{"id":125624,"date":"2012-08-22T10:40:13","date_gmt":"2012-08-22T13:40:13","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/?p=125624"},"modified":"2015-11-27T13:34:04","modified_gmt":"2015-11-27T15:34:04","slug":"the-invention-of-brasilian-indians","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/the-invention-of-brasilian-indians\/","title":{"rendered":"The Invention of Brasilian Indians"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"Civil-religious

divulgation<\/span><\/a> Civil-religious ceremony at the Iauret\u00ea mission, with a group of Tucano children and the portrait of then-President Get\u00falio Vargas in the backgrounddivulgation<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

An instigating and certainly opportune\u00a0debate about what, in\u00a0the final analysis, is the role of\u00a0anthropologists, and the nature\u00a0of their research work, may be\u00a0one of the results of the book Selvagens,\u00a0civilizados, aut\u00eanticos: a produ\u00e7\u00e3o das\u00a0diferen\u00e7as nas monografias salesianas no Brasil\u00a0(Savage, civilized, authentic: production of\u00a0differences in Salesian monographs in Brazil)\u00a0(1920-1970), if scholars in this area receive the\u00a0provoking proposals that Paula Montero presents\u00a0in it with an open spirit. The most recent result of\u00a0a decade of research that was institutionally supported\u00a0by FAPESP, through the thematic project\u00a0Christian missionaries in the Brazilian Amazon: a\u00a0study of cultural mediation and the regular project\u00a0Missionary textuality: Salesian ethnographies in\u00a0Brazil, this new book clearly sets out to dismantle\u00a0the old view of the anthropologist as a type of\u00a0translator. Montero\u2019s empirically and theoretically\u00a0sharp eye entirely melts away the outdated\u00a0figure of the specialist who goes to a world that\u00a0no one knows anything about: the \u201cother,\u201d the incomprehensible
\nalterity, and who there, through\u00a0interaction with a privileged informant that he\u00a0never presents, captures something that until then nobody knew about, classifies it, organizes\u00a0it, and finally, transforms it into a difference, is\u00a0able to translate it into terms that are accessible\u00a0to the symbolic universe from where he began\u00a0his journey.<\/p>\n

In place of this somewhat encyclopedistic\u00a0translation, invention appears as the subject and\u00a0form of the anthropologist\u2019s work. And this means\u00a0invention in a very precise meaning of the term,\u00a0because \u201cthere was nothing there before\u201d ready\u00a0to be captured. The agents of two universes of\u00a0heterogeneous knowledge \u2013 in this case study,\u00a0priests and Indians–are both moved by interests.\u00a0One moves towards the other, and in fact, \u201cthey\u00a0must reach a certain agreement for invention to\u00a0exist, an invention that will always be different,\u00a0depending on who is there,\u201d according to the anthropologist,\u00a0who is a full professor at the University\u00a0of S\u00e3o Paulo (USP) and the president of\u00a0the Brazilia Center for Analysis and Planning\u00a0 (Cebrap). It was precisely to understand these\u00a0agreements, in other words, what exactly happens\u00a0when these agents interact, that Montero chose\u00a0the Salesian Missions as the topic for reflection\u00a0and research. And firmly anchored in the notion\u00a0that ideas move through subjects, and therefore,\u00a0that we must understand agents to understand\u00a0how their interaction is constructed, it was at this\u00a0point that Montero saw that priests intended to\u00a0convert \u201cthe Indian, who could be the shaman\u00a0or chief in this situation, who wanted to take the\u00a0priest\u2019s power to increase his own power in the\u00a0group and even to gain power over the priest.\u201d<\/p>\n

Therefore, she affirms that this is not a simple\u00a0process of imposition, of destruction of culture.\u00a0Nor is it all about cultural resistance. \u201cIt is a political process, but it is also symbolic, of\u00a0construction of interaction between two universes\u00a0of heterogeneous knowledge.\u201d A game of language begins, in which both sides would\u00a0establish a convention about what they should\u00a0do to live together in those situations in which they are involved.<\/p>\n

Thus, it is clear why the concept of cultural\u00a0mediation is key in Paula Montero\u2019s work, and\u00a0how much the missions became an excellent pretext\u00a0for her to explore it in greater depth. Also\u00a0clear is the reason why she worked so hard to\u00a0not limit this analysis to their discourse, going\u00a0to the biographies and presenting the sources\u00a0of the information used to analyze the ethnographies,\u00a0including through the methodological\u00a0use of photographs taken by the Salesians to give\u00a0\u201cflesh to the ambience\u201d of the missionary villages,\u00a0as she said. \u201cIdeas do not impose through their\u00a0own power, without agents positioned in strategic\u00a0places, with the capacities they obtained over\u00a0the course of their actions to work on categories,\u00a0build relations, etc.,\u201d she said. And her critical\u00a0eye focused on the production of an older generation\u00a0of Brazilian anthropologists who, in the\u00a0wake of the work by Roger Bastide with African\u00a0culture, examined syncretism without considering\u00a0the problem of mediators. She focused as well\u00a0on more recent anthropological analyses, which\u00a0established the problem of relations between\u00a0Indians and Whites in Brazil by reducing the\u00a0agency to cultural resistance. However, it should\u00a0be noted that Bastide examined transplanted\u00a0culture in which the subjects had been moved\u00a0from their place of origin, while the problem of\u00a0the indigenous cultures referred to subjects who\u00a0were generally found in their original territory.<\/p>\n

\"Day-to-day

divulgation<\/span><\/a> Day-to-day life of Indians at the school in Iauret\u00ea, a post card depicting Tucano children at recess at the Salesian mission boarding schooldivulgation<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

Ideal missionaries<\/strong>
\nMontero noted that the arrival of the Salesian\u00a0Fathers in Brazil at the end of the 19th century\u00a0resulted from the connection of many and important\u00a0interests. Within the context of global\u00a0geopolitics, it should be remembered that Italy\u00a0lost out during the partition of Africa, and the\u00a0Catholic Church desperately needed a new area\u00a0for expansion. The Jesuits had been expelled from\u00a0Brazil since 1759; Italy was unified in 1870. Within\u00a0this context, the congregation founded in 1859\u00a0by the Italian Jo\u00e3o Bosco seemed\u00a0to be a group which, in the eyes of\u00a0the Empire, did not offer too big\u00a0of a risk to the sovereignty of the\u00a0State. This is so because they were\u00a0obedient to the Pope and persecuted\u00a0in Restoration-era Italy and\u00a0would be unlikely to fall prey to the\u00a0temptation to establish a parallel\u00a0State here, as other orders had. In\u00a0addition, this served the interests\u00a0of a papacy that needed to guarantee\u00a0its recently won temporal\u00a0power, enabling the Vatican State\u00a0to establish diplomatic alliances\u00a0with the new national States in America.<\/p>\n

In Italy, the Salesian specialization\u00a0was to educate young rural workers, and\u00a0in Brazil, they were also originally called\u00a0on to educate the children of rural elites\u00a0and to train urban migrants in new professions,\u00a0since they understood modern\u00a0educational technologies. \u201cAt that time,\u00a0there was a non-conformist vision of the\u00a0relations created by industrialism. The\u00a0Salesians focused on caring for the poorer\u00a0young people, who were seen as being\u00a0abandoned and in an at-risk situation,\u00a0in order to integrate them into the new\u00a0forms of urban civility,\u201d Montero noted.<\/p>\n

It was with these same ideals and\u00a0the blessing of Emperor Pedro II that\u00a0they arrived in Brazil in 1883, at a time\u00a0in which progressive ideas had begun\u00a0to arise among coffee growers. And it\u00a0should be noted that they had no relations\u00a0with the Indians before 1910. However,\u00a0at the turn of the last century, the\u00a0Brazilian state had begun its \u201cproject\u00a0to push back the frontiers, which under\u00a0President Get\u00falio Vargas would be\u00a0greatly strengthened and would incorporate\u00a0all of the state of Mato Grosso, for\u00a0example. Later the project would also\u00a0successfully involve the Amazon, and\u00a0the establishment of cities by the 1960s.\u201d<\/p>\n

In this expansion process, Indians\u00a0began to be a problem for the State\u00a0in these regions, while the Salesians\u00a0could represent the solution. In other\u00a0words, \u201cthe political and historical conditions\u00a0that defined the expansionist\u00a0project of the Salesian congregation for\u00a0the Americas were linked to the economic\u00a0and political strategies to increase\u00a0national sovereignty over new territories,\u201d\u00a0Montero said. The Salesian missions\u00a0would make it possible to ensure\u00a0the \u201cpacification\u201d of the savages, which\u00a0would allow the introduction of productive\u00a0economic activities in the heart of\u00a0Brazil. Of course the positivists, who\u00a0always feared an advance by the\u00a0clergy in Brazil, did not like the\u00a0Salesian project, \u201cbut this project\u00a0shared the then current mentality\u00a0for which the universality of\u00a0civilization as a human condition\u00a0was self-evident. The proposal\u00a0was to associate the principles of\u00a0Catholicism with the benefits of\u00a0scientificism,\u201d noted Montero. So,\u00a0extending the sam pedagogical\u00a0method employed in the urban\u00a0experience to those who were\u00a0still \u201csavages\u201d seemed not to be\u00a0a problem for the Salesians. \u201cAfter\u00a0all, the \u2018jungle\u2019 was, in the modern\u00a0Christian imagination, the counterpoint\u00a0to Christian cities or civilization.\u201d The\u00a0new element, the introduction of scientificism\u00a0in the field of relations between\u00a0man and nature, brought with it a new\u00a0dilemma. In the text of the book, the researcher indicates that \u201cby assuming\u00a0that civilization, progress and homeland\u00a0are synonyms, the Salesians, in opposition\u00a0to positivism, wanted to reconsecrate\u00a0nature, recovering in savages the\u00a0\u2018natural reasoning\u2019 that understands the\u00a0natural world to be a divine work. Also,\u00a0in opposition to the \u2018natural religion\u2019\u00a0of the Indians, who adore nature, they\u00a0should civilize it, to make it part of the\u00a0social and rational order of the nation.\u201d<\/p>\n

\"Village

divulgation<\/span><\/a> Village of Sacred Heart in an image made for a commemorative report on the progress of construction of a space designed to attract Bororo chiefs and familiesdivulgation<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

Although the problem of the \u201cwild\u00a0Indian\u201d was often solved using violence\u00a0and brutality, according to Montero, Brazil\u00a0actually never favored the implementation\u00a0of a systematic and declared\u00a0policy of genocide. \u201cWhat prevailed in\u00a0the Republic was \u2018pacification,\u2019 which in practice meant not encouraging conflicts\u00a0with the Indians.\u201d And its secular\u00a0model was Rondon, the great military\u00a0representative of the positivist \u201cpacification\u201d\u00a0that was to give rise to the Indian\u00a0Protection Service (SPI), created in the\u00a0same year of 1910. By creating legal restrictions\u00a0against violence by colonists,\u00a0this pacifying program produced a legal\u00a0framework for indigenous territorial\u00a0rights, created protection agencies like\u00a0the SPI, and more important, allowed\u00a0the investiture of the Salesians as privileged\u00a0agents of catechism and civilization\u00a0on the national frontiers under\u00a0expansion, throughout the first half of\u00a0the 20th century.<\/p>\n

In the 1930s, the Salesians had already\u00a0received half of all the subsidies allocated\u00a0by the Brazilian government to\u00a0Catholic missionary institutions, and the\u00a0format of their institutionalization, inspired\u00a0by the model of the Jesuit reductions,\u00a0was not modified until the\u00a0Vatican Council II, when it began\u00a0to lose strength,\u201d said Montero. It\u00a0was only after the impact of the\u00a0ideological crisis in the 1970s,\u00a0which put in check the mission\u00a0model formatted on the Council\u00a0of Trent, that the Salesians were\u00a0forced to rethink their relations\u00a0with Brazilian politics and the\u00a0Indians.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, Salesian adhesion\u00a0to the request by the Brazilian\u00a0state to participate in the\u00a0front lines of the \u201cpacification\u201d was not\u00a0easy, but slow and problematic. \u201cDom\u00a0Bosco defended the creation of an Italian\u00a0colony in America, and it was only after\u00a0not being able to successfully carry out\u00a0his project to expand the congregation\u00a0in Argentina that he redirected it to the\u00a0Brazilian natives,\u201d Montero said.<\/p>\n

The model for the mission were\u00a0the schools of arts and crafts:\u00a0they were supposed to be used to\u00a0gather the Indians around an \u201cagriculturalcolony\u201d using modern agriculture,\u00a0supported by scientific principles of productivity\u00a0and sophisticated technology.\u00a0The work on the land was at the center\u00a0of the autonomy and prosperity of the\u00a0missions to train the bodies and spirits\u00a0of the natives. Montero noted that, unlikethe military colony or sporadic relations\u00a0of Rondon with some indigenous\u00a0groups, missionary agricultural colonies\u00a0were a new arrangement of relations\u00a0that articulated units of the indigenous\u00a0system with units of the colonial system\u00a0in an ongoing and productive exchange\u00a0of new relations. \u201cBut the two policies\u00a0began from different principles: while\u00a0the indigenous policy, conducted by the\u00a0State up to the 1950s, was based on the\u00a0idea of assimilation through contact with\u00a0non-Indians, the missionary strategies\u00a0were guided by an idea of civilization\u00a0that presupposed relative isolation of\u00a0the indigenous groups.\u201d<\/p>\n

\"Card

divulgation<\/span><\/a> Card depicting a mass celebrated by a Salesian in the forest, around 1905, to impress the Indiansdivulgation<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

Ethnographies compared<\/strong>
\nAll this becomes clearer as Paula Montero\u00a0uses a comparative methodology of\u00a0three separate moments of the encounters\u00a0between missionaries and Indians to\u00a0show how their interaction changes as a\u00a0result of the political context, the culture\u00a0of different groups and even the particularities\u00a0of each author of the narratives of\u00a0these processes. These conditions clearly\u00a0produce different constructions of what\u00a0it means to be an Indian.<\/p>\n

The principle object of her research\u00a0is a set of three ethnographies\u00a0written by Salesian missionaries\u00a0about the Bororo and\u00a0Xavante indigenous groups from\u00a0Mato Grosso state, and the socalled\u00a0Tucano, from the state of\u00a0Amazonas. The first of these ethnographies is Os Bororo orientais\u00a0(The Eastern Bororo) from 1925,\u00a0by Antonio Colbacchini and C\u00e9sar\u00a0Albisetti, the second is A civiliza\u00e7\u00e3o\u00a0ind\u00edgena do Uaup\u00e9s (The indigenous civilization of the Uaup\u00e9s),\u00a0from 1958, written by Alcion\u00edlio Bruzzi\u00a0da Silva, and the third is Xavante, Auwe\u00a0Uptabi, povo aut\u00eantico (Xavante, Auwe\u00a0Uptabi, an authentic people), from 1972,\u00a0written by Bartolomeu Giaccaria and\u00a0Adalberto Heide.<\/p>\n

Colbacchini had degrees in philosophy\u00a0and theology and beginning\u00a0in 1906 became a pioneer and explorer\u00a0of the state of Mato Grosso. In the\u00a0following year, he assumed the direction\u00a0of the agricultural colony of Tachos. He\u00a0was concerned with transforming the\u00a0savages, who were natural men, into social\u00a0men, with law, order and religion.\u00a0\u201cUnlike republican military indigenism,\u00a0based on the idea of \u2018pacification,\u2019 for\u00a0which civilizing principally meant controlling\u00a0the territory and population,\u00a0Colbacchini supposes the existence of\u00a0a \u2018clandestine nation\u2019 that could only\u00a0be known from the point of view of the\u00a0sert\u00e3o. This proto-nation is identified\u00a0with the values of freedom, fraternity\u00a0and primordial innocence.\u201d According to\u00a0Montero, to understand the ethnological\u00a0work of Colbacchini is to analyze how\u00a0his description mobilizes the imagination\u00a0to respond to apparently unsolvable\u00a0contradictions that incorporation of the\u00a0Indians, with their differences, imposes\u00a0on the conscience of man and of his time.\u00a0Thus, in a textual language that is still\u00a0very close to the encyclopedists of the\u00a019th century, he invented Bororo totemism\u00a0when he sought a natural religion.<\/p>\n

In a different intellectual and political\u00a0context, marked by an emphasis on the\u00a0Brazilianness of Indians, the monograph\u00a0by Father Alcion\u00edlio Bruzzi on the Tusavcano\u00a0peoples shows the work of spreading\u00a0the gospel on the Negro and Uaup\u00e9s\u00a0Rivers to be more clearly marked by the\u00a0efforts at integration of Indians into the\u00a0Nation. This also implies the need to\u00a0build clean cities and boarding schools\u00a0that appeared in his imposing architecture\u00a0as a definitive civilizing work. For\u00a0this religious scholar, the dynamics unleashed\u00a0by the missionary centers should\u00a0be understood in terms of a \u201ccivilizing\u201d\u00a0process, and no longer in terms of \u201ccatechism.\u201d\u00a0It should be noted that the arrival\u00a0of the Salesians in 1920 to the Negro\u00a0River, a watershed mainly inhabited by\u00a0indigenous populations, was a completely\u00a0different experience from what they had\u00a0when they arrived in the state of Mato\u00a0Grosso, where they had to mediate ongoing\u00a0conflicts between landowners and Indians. Due to a lack of colonists, the\u00a0\u201cpacification\u201d model did not predominate\u00a0in the Uaup\u00e9s River valley. There was also\u00a0a fundamental difference between his\u00a0monograph and the previous one: \u201cThe\u00a0habitus of a scientific spirit filtered by a\u00a0language that is rigorous and contained\u00a0is much more present in Bruzzi than in\u00a0the work by Colbacchini, which is intuitive\u00a0and passionate. The analysis of\u00a0Bruzzi is guided by science and it is his\u00a0wish to create an individual, although he\u00a0has run into the problem of not finding\u00a0subjects subjectivate enough to live in\u00a0a society based on science.\u201d<\/p>\n

\"Post

divulgation<\/span><\/a> Post card with Bororo children in their school activities at the Sacred Heart missiondivulgation<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

Bartolomeu Giaccaria, one of the authors\u00a0of the third monograph, arrived\u00a0in Brazil in 1954 and was transferred to\u00a0Sangradouro at the end of 1956 to run\u00a0the mission school. Montero noted that\u00a0at this point, it was no longer about the\u00a0savages; the key concept had become authenticity.\u00a0\u201cEverything that came from\u00a0the Indians began to be authentic.\u201d In\u00a0place of the effort to convert, it was necessary\u00a0to find what was original, and culture\u00a0was now in the place that had been\u00a0occupied by religion.<\/p>\n

A short time after settling in Sangradouro,\u00a0Giaccaria contacted\u00a0Xavantes groups that had recently\u00a0arrived at the mission and faced the\u00a0problem of having to teach the children\u00a0without knowing the language and the\u00a0culture. \u201cTo be effective in the school,\u00a0a rudimentary command of the language\u00a0would not suffice, and he felt an\u00a0urgency to more completely\u00a0understand the indigenous behavior\u00a0and ways of thinking.\u00a0It was then that he began his\u00a0more systematic ethnographic\u00a0observation work alongside\u00a0Adalberto Heide in the 1960s.\u201d\u00a0The marks of the changes\u00a0that were to come in the political\u00a0and ideological panorama\u00a0can be seen in this work. \u201cIn\u00a0the 1970s, the missionary catechism\u00a0program of indigenous\u00a0assistance lost credibility, the\u00a0system of boarding schools began to be\u00a0harshly criticized and a consensu began\u00a0to be built around the idea that the\u00a0Indians should live in isolation on their\u00a0own lands,\u201d explained Montero. For this\u00a0reason, the civilizing sense that was so\u00a0noteworthy in the previous works began\u00a0to appear in a less accentuated way in\u00a0Giaccaria\u2019s work. \u201cThe idea of civilization\u00a0began to gain a more secular context\u00a0of \u2018cultural heritage,\u2019 and as the title\u00a0of his monograph indicates, the work is\u00a0focused on reproduction of the \u2018authenticity\u2019\u00a0of being Xavante. The recording of\u00a0myths and rites he made over the course\u00a0of a decade is marked by a feeling of saving the greatest possible amount of information\u00a0about the Xavante civilization.\u201d\u00a0Different from the examples of previous monographs, in which the idea of a\u00a0Christian and urban \u201ccivis\u201d was central\u00a0to the civilizing argument, Giaccaria affirmed\u00a0that the vitality of the Xavante\u00a0culture depended on maintaining the\u00a0village in its circular form, a symbol of\u00a0what is fraternal and egalitarian.<\/p>\n

But what was it that motivated the\u00a0Salesians in their ethnographies?\u00a0\u201cTo implement the project, it was\u00a0necessary to make the Indians want to\u00a0live in the missions, something that they\u00a0would only do when they were moved\u00a0by strategic calculations. Then it was\u00a0necessary to organize the knowledge:\u00a0for example, how would it be possible to\u00a0convert them, baptize them, etc., if they\u00a0did not know how the indigenous religions\u00a0and families worked?\u201d Each monograph,\u00a0different from what happened in\u00a0the official indigenist practice (which\u00a0was not interested in knowing the object\u00a0of its action), meant a process of production\u00a0of knowledge destined to enable the\u00a0missionary project of the Salesians. It is\u00a0important to emphasize that this project\u00a0was the result of intense and ongoing negotiation.\u00a0\u201cThe priests used a variety of\u00a0means to negotiate the legitimacy of their\u00a0actions with the Indians and national\u00a0society, making their \u2018achievements\u2019 and\u00a0 \u2018sacrifices\u2019 visible, protecting the lives of\u00a0the Indians from the colonists and from\u00a0other Indians, educating the children of\u00a0the rural landowners or refusing to do so,\u00a0teaching Indian children, disputing their\u00a0religious and therapeutic authority with\u00a0shamans, distributing or retaining goods ,\u00a0reinforcing or taking away the authority\u00a0of chiefs,\u201d explained Montero. Above\u00a0all, they always lived with the phantom\u00a0of instability of the villages, constantly\u00a0threatened with the sudden loss of\u00a0population. In addition, they dealt with\u00a0issues of attracting financia resources, with finding efficient means to persuade\u00a0the urban elites of the integrity of their\u00a0intentions and the legitimacy of their\u00a0work before the competing forces like\u00a0positivist indigenism, the pressure from\u00a0colonists for labor and land, and the support\u00a0that the Church hierarchy in Brazil\u00a0and in Europe offered or denied to the\u00a0project of establishing self-sufficient agricultural\u00a0colonies.<\/p>\n

Producing knowledge and describing\u00a0indigenous life was part of the intellectual\u00a0instruments available to overcome\u00a0these difficulties. \u201cOne of the more central\u00a0symbolic operations of the monographs\u00a0was to produce convergence between\u00a0different ways of seeing and being\u00a0in the world, introducing the separation\u00a0of religious, social and political spheres\u00a0as a common reference,\u201d said Montero.\u00a0\u201cThe grammatical indexation rules were\u00a0constructed in the scope of practices as\u00a0conventions destined to confront collisions\u00a0and conflicts in day-to-day interactions.\u201d\u00a0However, this translation was\u00a0not exempt from consequences. According\u00a0to her book, \u201cthe implicit paradox\u00a0in th production of a missionary ethnography\u00a0is that in order to create the\u00a0image of the native culture, the ethnographer\u00a0causes a change in the traditional \u00a0forms of production of memory. For\u00a0example, the Salesian ethnographies, as\u00a0an integral and founding part of the conversion\u00a0project universalized knowledge\u00a0of what it is \u2018to be Bororo\u2019 in a manner\u00a0that had been previously unknown to\u00a0the natives themselves; in this movement,\u00a0they produced a type of \u2018conversion\u2019\u00a0of the Bororo to the Bororo culture,\u201d\u00a0the author explained. \u201cThus, deconstruction\u00a0of the missionaries\u2019\u00a0discourse reveals how the mediators,\u00a0whoever they were, construct themselves\u00a0as subjects of the discourse and\u00a0throw themselves into the dispute in the\u00a0process of producing the legitimacy of\u00a0what it is they have to say.\u201d<\/p>\n

It can be said that Paula Montero\u00a0works in her new book towards an anthropology\u00a0of mediations. \u201cMaterial\u00a0and symbolic mediations that always\u00a0occur in interactions and produce discourse.\u201d\u00a0In other words, having shifted\u00a0the idea of translation of the work of\u00a0anthropologists to the discourse of the\u00a0agents, she abandons the concept of alterity\u00a0as a founding notion of anthropological\u00a0knowledge. She thus seeks to overcome the paradox that consists of\u00a0affirming the empirical evidence behind\u00a0the existence of the Other, even before\u00a0Alterity emerges as an anthropological\u00a0question.<\/p>\n

Projects<\/strong>
\n1<\/strong>. Christian missionaries in the Brazilian Amazon:\u00a0a study of cultural mediation (n\u00ba 2000\/02718-\u00a06<\/a>) (2001-2007);\u00a0Grant mechanism<\/strong>\u00a0Thematic Project;\u00a0Coordinator\u00a0<\/strong>Paula Montero \u2013 USP Department of Anthropology;\u00a0Investment\u00a0<\/strong>R$ 274,968.00.
\n2<\/strong>. Missionary textuality: the Salesian\u00a0ethnographies in Brazil (n\u00ba\u00a02007\/08736-5<\/a>) (2008 2010); Grant mechanism\u00a0<\/strong>Regular Research Project;\u00a0Coordinator\u00a0<\/strong>Paula Montero \u2013 USP Department of Anthropology; Investment\u00a0<\/strong>R$ 51,841.56.<\/p>\n

From our archives<\/strong>
\nThe invention of Indians in Brazil<\/a>\u00a0<\/em>– Issue 173 \u2013 July 2010
\nIn the name of God<\/em><\/a> – Issue 111 \u2013 May 2005<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Analysis dismantles the notion of anthropologists as translators","protected":false},"author":370,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1240],"tags":[201],"coauthors":[684,124],"class_list":["post-125624","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-humanities-special-2","tag-anthropology"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/125624","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/370"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=125624"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/125624\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=125624"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=125624"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=125624"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=125624"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}