{"id":46456,"date":"2012-07-07T15:59:25","date_gmt":"2012-07-07T18:59:25","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/?p=46456"},"modified":"2015-12-16T17:23:11","modified_gmt":"2015-12-16T19:23:11","slug":"the-interiors-economic-relief","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/the-interiors-economic-relief\/","title":{"rendered":"The interior’s economic relief"},"content":{"rendered":"
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L\u00c9O RAMOS<\/span>Bandeirantes Highway, towards the interior of the state: expansion of the development axisL\u00c9O RAMOS<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

The process of industrial deconcentration in the State of S\u00e3o Paulo, which started in the 1970s, has profoundly altered its map and the territory: the capital\u2019s metropolitan sprawl has expanded towards the Para\u00edba Valley, Sorocaba and the regions of Campinas and Ribeir\u00e3o Preto, specialist urban conglomerates have formed along the highway network and medium size cities have taken over the leadership in the markets surrounding them. \u201cThe interior is no longer a flat area. It has economic ‘relief\u2019\u201d says Eliseu Severio Sposito from the Geography Department of the Faculty of Science and Technology (FCT) of the Paulista State University (Unesp) in Presidente Prudente.<\/p>\n

Heading up a group of researchers, Sposito coordinated a project that mapped out the movement and characteristics of the process of industrial deconcentration \u00a0in the state. They found, for example, that many companies moved plants to the interior, but kept their headquarters and their boards in the city of S\u00e3o Paulo. This divorce of management from the production processes, which Sposito calls \u201cproductive disjunction,\u201d follows the \u201clogic of capitalist accumulation\u201d of reducing production costs, which in the 1980s grew significantly in the metropolis. In the case of S\u00e3o Paulo this logic endowed industrial deconcentration with a peculiar character. \u201cThe process was limited to a well-defined area and by extension to the national territory. It was not clear or strong in the medium size cities in the west of the state,\u201d says Sposito. The researchers used information from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), the State Data Analysis System Foundation (Seade) and the Social Information Annual Report (Rais), among other organizations.<\/p>\n

Development axes<\/strong>
\nThe determining factors of the new economic geography of the state, the development axes around which the migrating industries are concentrated and the new conformation of the cities were analyzed in the project The new map of industry at the beginning of the 21st century: new industrial dynamics and the territory, <\/em>coordinated by Sposito, which began in 2006 and finished in 2011. The initiative brought together 11 researchers from Unesp\u2019s Space and Regional Redefinitions Production Group (Gasperr), as well as from the University of S\u00e3o Paulo (USP), the Federal University of Paran\u00e1 (UFPR) and State University of the West of Paran\u00e1 (Unioeste). The group has already published dozens of articles that will be published as three books and is promising to edit a digital atlas with around 400 maps that describe the new economic geography of S\u00e3o Paulo.<\/p>\n

The current geographic configuration of the state does not show an homogenous territory: it reveals a Metropolitan Region that has \u201coverflowed\u201d in the direction of four administrative regions \u2013 Campinas, S\u00e3o Jos\u00e9 dos Campos, Sorocaba and Santos \u2013 and maintains a centrality relative to the other areas of production and consumption in the state, according to the analysis of Maria Encarna\u00e7\u00e3o Beltr\u00e3o Sposito from the Geography Department at Unesp in Presidente Prudente. \u201cThis formation characterizes a macro-metropolis, if we wish to adopt the idea of Fran\u00e7ois Ascher in producing the concept of the new spatial configurations of Paris and its basin of influence,\u201d says Maria Encarna\u00e7\u00e3o.<\/p>\n

\"GM

LUCAS LACAZ RUIZ\/FOLHAPRESS\u2002<\/span>GM assembly line in S\u00e3o Jos\u00e9 dos Campos, in the Para\u00edba Valley region: in the interior, but close to the capitalLUCAS LACAZ RUIZ\/FOLHAPRESS\u2002<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

The new cartography is translated into a map interlaced with development axes, the orientation of which are the road and information networks, rail-river corridors and a waterway, around which large industrial companies gather, with access to the Brazilian and global markets via four cargo airports and the port of Santos. Similar dynamics are found in urban conglomerates formed by medium size cities, in which small and medium- size suppliers of goods and services at the local and regional level prevail. Linked by development axes, the macro-metropolis and the interior of the state form the biggest and most diversified industrial park in Brazil, with a 33% share in the Brazilian Gross Domestic Product (GDP).<\/p>\n

To understand the new map of the territory of S\u00e3o Paulo, the researchers investigated the evolution of industry in S\u00e3o Paulo in the light of historical materialism and the spinoffs that have occurred as a result of the transformations observed in the 20 the and 21st<\/sup> centuries. From this perspective, they explain industrial deconcentration as the result of a transition from the Ford system of production, based on the strategy of the assembly line and mass production, in which the relationship between company and territory is strong, to a flexible capital accumulation system, where investments do not recognize frontiers and boundaries and also guide the globalization process of companies. \u201cLocation needs start being dictated by access to transportation, by the possibilities of connection to the Internet, to satellites and telecommunications,\u201d says Arthur Magon Whitaker, from FCT\/Unesp. \u201cRelative distances become more and more important than absolute distances,\u201d he wrote in A discussion on the production concept of urban space<\/em>, which will form part of the group\u2019s publication.<\/p>\n

Public investment<\/strong>
\nThe decentralization of industry was supported by public investments, particularly state investments and by the reorganization of the territory to meet corporate demands and allow for the greater fluidity and territorial competitiveness of companies, according to the analysis of M\u00e1rcio Rog\u00e9rio da Silveira, who was a teacher at Unesp, in his study on transport and logistics systems in the State of S\u00e3o Paulo. In 2007, the road network in S\u00e3o Paulo covered more than 198,000 km. Of this total, 5,000 km of highways, precisely those with the greatest flow of transport, which are dual carriageways and connected to the capital, were already operated by private concessions. \u201cThe highways are the skeleton of the state\u2019s economic growth,\u201d emphasizes Sposito. The state also has four large airports, through which passengers and cargo of high added value circulate. Viracopos Airport in Campinas is the country\u2019s second largest cargo terminal.<\/p>\n

\"072-077_Industria_197-1\"Dr\u00fcm<\/span><\/a>The transport infrastructure, associated with the availability of a qualified and specialist labor force, sponsored what Sandra Lencioni, from USP\u2019s School of Literature and Human Sciences calls \u201cconcentrated deconcentration.\u201d In the administrative regions that surround the capital, the indicators show that growth in added value was greater than the number of industrial units, showing the movement of better capitalized and\/or large or medium size companies, is the example that Maria Encarna\u00e7\u00e3o gives. In other regions (Mar\u00edlia, for example), although the share in the total of the state in added value has grown, the data show that this movement is the result of the increase in the number of companies.<\/p>\n

The macro-metropolis is no different from the interior merely because of the size of its companies. \u201cIndustrial deconcentration took place in parallel and simultaneously with the intensification in the concentration of innovative industry in the Sao Paulo Metropolitan Region and its surroundings,\u201d says Sandra. That is where the \u201cgeneral production conditions\u201d necessary for the development of cutting edge activities are concentrated: universities, research centers, technological parks and support for research and development (R&D), as well as an extensive network of material circulation, from fiber optics to a significant concentration of services.<\/p>\n

In 2010, the State of S\u00e3o Paulo was home to 70% of the high and medium intensity technological industries in the Southeastern Region. Of this total, 75% were located in two administrative regions, S\u00e3o Paulo and Campinas, and employed 79% of the people occupied in industry with a higher education course. \u201cThe capacity of leading edge industry to generate wealth indicates that at the heart of the deconcentration process of industry in S\u00e3o Paulo, which seemed to indicate a path for minimizing regional disparities, have created differences of another nature that are \u00a0maintaining inequality,\u201d observes Sandra.<\/p>\n

Far from the macro-metropolis, in medium size cities companies with local capital predominate and the industrial, service and trade sectors are still linked to the regional consumer market. The distance from S\u00e3o Paulo was recognized as being an obstacle to the diversification and expansion of the industrial park, but led to the strengthening of the centrality of these cities, in the analysis of Sposito. \u201cThe nearby local and regional consumer market is the main reason for the predominance of micro and small companies in all sectors of the economy.\u201d<\/p>\n

\"Footwear

EDSON SILVA\/FOLHAPRESS, FOLHA RIBEIR\u00c3O<\/span>Footwear production line for export in Franca: more jobs on offerEDSON SILVA\/FOLHAPRESS, FOLHA RIBEIR\u00c3O<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

These companies are generally constituted by local capital, employ a labor force that is poorly qualified and badly paid and mostly offer services or basic goods to a consumer market that is not very demanding. \u201cBut they are fundamental to the regional economy,\u201d he emphasizes. In the two biggest cities in the west of Sao Paulo, S\u00e3o Jos\u00e9 do Rio Preto and Bauru, 90% of the companies are micro or small. \u201cIn the other cities the proportion is close to 80%,\u201d says Sposito. Retail trade, the repair of personal and domestic objects, commerce, automobile and motorcycle representation, food retail, services provided to companies, accommodation and food, health and social services predominate, according to the National Classification of Economic Activity. Even so, another tendency shows indications changing: there are companies that even though they are located in medium-size or small cities, communicate directly with abroad, without the intermediation of the metropolis.<\/p>\n

In Mar\u00edlia, Ara\u00e7atuba and Presidente Prudente, in the northeast of the state, the prominent activities are related to agriculture, livestock farming and related services. This specialization in these cities makes clear the existence of an urban network in which a \u201cdivision of labor\u201d between municipalities and regions in the state prevails. \u201cSao Paulo is the center of this network,\u201d insists Sposito.<\/p>\n

The specialization of cities in the interior is reinforced by 39 local production arrangements (LPAs), according to statistics from the Brazilian Service for the Support of Micro and Small Companies (Sebrae), which link some 120 municipalities in the whole state. The LPA of the male footwear production chain in the Franca region, for example, has more than 3,700 micro, small and medium size companies in 5 municipalities, generates 51,000 jobs and produces almost 37 million pairs of shoes a year, according to information from the Department of Science, Technology and Economic Development of S\u00e3o Paulo. The footwear industry serves the national market and is responsible for approximately 3% of the country\u2019s footwear exports.<\/p>\n

The export industry business in the interior with foreign markets does not need the metropolis: connection with customers is carried out by means of 30 customs stations in the interior (Eadi<\/em>) spread throughout the whole state. Also known as dry ports, the EADIs<\/em> are one of the terminals directly linked by road, railroad or air to the point where the product leaves the plant.<\/p>\n

\"072-077_Industria_197-2\"<\/a>The manufacturing industry in the interior that is on the S\u00e3o Paulo export agenda, however, is small: in 2006, just 3 of the 15 administrative regions in the state were responsible for 70% of the exports: S\u00e3o Paulo, Campinas and S\u00e3o Jos\u00e9 dos Campos. Just 1 of the 210 companies exporting from Franca, for example, had an export portfolio greater than US$ 100 million a year. In most cases, foreign sales did not exceed US $ 1million a year. The same statistics also reveal that the \u00a0agroindustry and high technology products have a share that is almost identical in exports: sales of sugar and aircraft, the first and second in the ranking of main exporters, for example, reached US$ 2.5 billion and US$ 2.3 billion, respectively. Sandra cautions, however, that from the point of view of added value the price of commodities and high technology products are unequal: \u201cThe value of a ton of integrated circuit, for example, is the equivalent of 21,000 tons of ore,\u201d is the comparison she makes.<\/p>\n

Public investment<\/strong>s<\/strong>
\nThe state has a central role to play in the process of industrial decentralization. \u201cIt organized regional infrastructure, thus speeding up the movement of people, goods and information,\u201d says Sposito. Municipal policies also weighed heavily: cities created industrial districts and used tax incentives to attract companies and expand job supply.<\/p>\n

In Sposito\u2019s assessment, the strength of the interior of the state also has historical roots. The coffee economy, he remembers, constituted a network of dynamic cities and a strong consumer market, forming an urban network in the interior. \u201cIn the first half of the 20th century it was in the interior where the greatest capitalist accumulation occurred. Private capital financed the construction of warehouses, highways and railroads that were subsequently absorbed by the state.\u201d The same happened with regional banks, which over the last 50 years have been taken over by the major banks.<\/p>\n

In the same period a number of companies that had originated in cities in the interior moved to the metropolis. Bradesco, which started in Mar\u00edlia, has its headquarters in Osasco; TAM was also created in Mar\u00edlia and flew to S\u00e3o Paulo; while the Eldorado network began in Catanduva before setting up in the capital. \u201cThe economy of S\u00e3o Paulo does not move in just one direction. There are agents in the interior founding companies that move to S\u00e3o Paulo, at the same time that there is a movement of companies towards the interior,\u201d concludes Sposito. The three publications that are being prepared by members of the group and the atlas of S\u00e3o Paulo industry will reveal the map of this intense movement.<\/p>\n

The Project<\/strong>
\nThe new industrial map at the beginning of the 21st century: new industrial dynamics and the territory (n\u00ba 2004\/16069-0<\/a>);\u00a0Modality<\/strong> Thematic Project;\u00a0Coordinator\u00a0<\/strong>Eliseu Sav\u00e9rio Sposito \u2013 FCT\/Unesp; Investment\u00a0<\/strong>R$ 196,879.45 (FAPESP)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Study maps industrial deconcentration in the State of S\u00e3o Paulo","protected":false},"author":95,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[165],"tags":[225,239],"coauthors":[397],"class_list":["post-46456","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-humanities","tag-economy","tag-geography"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/46456","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/95"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=46456"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/46456\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=46456"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=46456"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=46456"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=46456"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}