{"id":547384,"date":"2025-05-09T16:01:26","date_gmt":"2025-05-09T19:01:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/?p=547384"},"modified":"2025-05-09T16:01:26","modified_gmt":"2025-05-09T19:01:26","slug":"the-amazon-on-the-spice-route","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/the-amazon-on-the-spice-route\/","title":{"rendered":"The Amazon on the spice route"},"content":{"rendered":"

The eighteenth century, in the state of Gr\u00e3o-Par\u00e1 and Maranh\u00e3o, which during colonial Brazil represented what is now the Amazon, was the heyday for commercial exploitation of the so-called \u201cdrugs of the Sert\u00e3o.\u201d This was the name given to products collected from the Amazon rainforest and exported to Europe. Documents from this period, kept in the Public Archives of Par\u00e1 State and transcribed in Livro das canoas <\/em>(Book of canoes: Documents related to the Amazon\u2019s Indigenous history; USP\/FAPESP, 1993), record the expeditions from Bel\u00e9m to the Amazonian rainforest. The aim was to harvest one of the most sought-after plants in the Amazon: cacao, which Swedish naturalist Carl von Linn\u00e9, or Lineu (1707\u20131778), christened Theobroma <\/em>(\u201cFood of the Gods\u201d), in 1753.<\/p>\n

For a journey that could take up to eight months, the canoes carried not only food, but cotton cloths, tools, brandy, and offal, which could be used as currency to pay the Indigenous people who made up the crew and to trade with those who lived in the rainforest. In the colonial Amazon region, cacao itself was a highly valued currency. \u201cAlong with other spices, cacao was called \u2018natural currency\u2019 or \u2018earth\u2019s currency,\u2019\u201d highlights historian Rafael Chambouleyron, from the Federal University of Par\u00e1 (UFPA) and organizer of the book As drogas do sert\u00e3o e a Amaz\u00f4nia colonial portuguesa <\/em>(Drugs of the Sert\u00e3o and the Portuguese colonial Amazon; University of Lisbon\u2019s Center for History, 2023).<\/p>\n

\u201cChocolate consumption was booming in Europe at the time,\u201d says Camila Loureiro, from the University of Campinas (UNICAMP), who is conducting research, supported by FAPESP, on the human activities and environmental impact of colonialism in the Amazon region between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. Indigenous Brazilians consumed the fruit pulp, which has a sweet flavor, but the Spanish had already introduced Europe to chocolatl<\/em>, a bitter drink made from roasted cacao beans, created by the peoples of Mesoamerica. To improve the aroma and flavor, the Europeans added other spices from the rainforest, such as the widely loved vanilla bean (Vanilla sp.<\/em>). According to the researcher, cacao accounted for 90% of Par\u00e1\u2019s exports between 1730 and 1755, when around 15,000 tons of seeds were sent to Europe.<\/p>\n

The flourishing market brought prosperity. French naturalist Charles-Marie de La Condamine (1701\u20131774), who traveled along the Amazon River with the goal of measuring the length of a one-degree arc along a meridian close to the equator, was amazed by Par\u00e1\u2019s development when he arrived in 1743. \u201cIt seemed to us, upon arriving in Par\u00e1 and emerging from the Amazon rainforest, that we had been transported to Europe,\u201d he wrote in the book Viagem na Am\u00e9rica Meridional descendo o rio das Amazonas <\/em>(Traveling in South America down the Amazon River), in 1745. \u201cWe came upon a great city, well-lined streets, bright houses, most of them built 30 years ago from stone and gravel, magnificent churches. Par\u00e1\u2019s direct trade with Lisbon, from where a large train arrives every year, makes it easy for people of means to provide themselves with all kinds of comforts.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Brasiliana Iconogr\u00e1fica \/ Joaquim Jos\u00e9 Codina <\/span>Canoe and Indigenous people along the bank of a Rio Negro tributaryBrasiliana Iconogr\u00e1fica \/ Joaquim Jos\u00e9 Codina <\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

Geopolitical pressure<\/strong>
\nAt the beginning of the seventeenth century, Portugal no longer dominated the spice trade with eastern Asia; it was facing fierce competition, especially from the Dutch, and was looking for substitutes for products such as cloves, nutmeg, cinnamon, and pepper. There was also geopolitical pressure to occupy Brazil\u2019s interior, as historian Christian Fausto Moraes dos Santos, from the State University of Maring\u00e1 (UEM) points out: \u201cPortugal had to establish borders with Spain on the American continent and control the territory, according to the maxim \u2018it\u2019s yours if you occupy it.\u2019\u201d According to Moraes dos Santos, this led to the foundation of Bel\u00e9m in 1616, which acted as the launching point for expeditions into the Amazon rainforest and ships filled with spices headed back to Lisbon.<\/p>\n

In Brazil\u2019s hot and humid forests, the Portuguese were sure they would discover plant species similar to those found in South and Southeast Asia. And they did find new flavors and aromas: leaves, fruits, seeds, roots, and bark from aromatic trees that, when crushed or converted into oils, resins, and tinctures, would have great commercial value as seasonings or medicines. \u201cWe have already identified 36 species exploited by the colonists in the area,\u201d says history student Sofia Montaner Preto. Under Loureiro\u2019s guidance and with the support of FAPESP, she is conducting a survey of the plant species exploited in the colonial Amazon region as part of her undergraduate research project.<\/p>\n

There were plants valued for their culinary qualities, medicinal virtues, or both\u2014such as puxuri (Licaria sp.<\/em>), known as \u201cBrazilian nutmeg\u201d for its aromatic and medicinal properties similar to those of nutmeg. With its peculiar flavor and aroma (reminiscent of a mixture of nutmeg and cardamom), puxuri is still used today in both sweet and savory dishes. In the eighteenth century, it was highly valued in the Amazon region as a remedy for gastrointestinal disorders. \u201cBased on Indigenous knowledge, the Jesuits prepared an infusion of its seeds ground in brandy to treat stomach ailments and dysentery,\u201d explains ethnobotanist M\u00e1rlia Coelho-Ferreira, from the Em\u00edlio Goeldi Museum of Par\u00e1 (MPEG).<\/p>\n

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Brazilian National Library<\/span>A 1680 map by Sanson d\u2019Abbeville details the course of the Amazon River, the main route to the interior of the AmazonBrazilian National Library<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

Another dual-purpose plant was sarsaparilla (Smilax sp.<\/em>), known to the Indigenous people as \u201cjapecanga.\u201d The leaves and fruit were used as food, while the roots were used to make a tea with purifying and diuretic properties. Copa\u00edba oil-resin and andiroba seeds were also considered medicinal: \u201cThe oil-resin extracted from the trunk of Copa\u00edba trees [Copaifera sp.<\/em>] became known as \u2018Jesuit\u2019s Balm\u2019 because of its wound-healing, anti-inflammatory, and antiseptic properties. The oil from the seeds of the andiroba tree [Carapa guianensis<\/em>] was applied to the body to prevent insect bites and to treat rheumatism and bone fractures,\u201d summarizes Ferreira.<\/p>\n

At that time, besides cacao, the Amazonian spice list was dominated by clove wood (Dicypellium caryophyllaceum<\/em>), a tree whose bark was used mainly in cooking as a seasoning and digestive aid. Very aromatic, clove wood was chosen by the Portuguese as a substitute for cloves (Syzygium aromaticum<\/em>) and was also called \u201ccravo-do-maranh\u00e3o\u201d (cloves from Maranh\u00e3o) or \u201ccravo-do-par\u00e1\u201d (cloves from Par\u00e1). \u201cAlthough different in appearance, its flavor is almost the same as cloves from India,\u201d said the Overseas Council (institution with financial and administrative duties) when it received samples of the species in 1646. In Preto\u2019s survey, clove wood and cacao are the most frequently mentioned, accounting for 36% of the entries in two volumes of Livro Grosso do <\/em>Maranh\u00e3o<\/em>, a compilation of legislative sources covering the period from 1647 to 1745, published in 1948 in Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro<\/em> (Annals of the Brazilian National Library in Rio de Janeiro).<\/p>\n

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Atlas Para Viagens No Brasil<\/em>\u2009\/\u2009Spix e Martius<\/span>View of Bel\u00e9m (1825), one of the main hubs during the Amazonian spice tradeAtlas Para Viagens No Brasil<\/em>\u2009\/\u2009Spix e Martius<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

The Indigenous effort<\/strong>
\nAccording to Chambouleyron, clove wood exploitation is actually quite peculiar: unlike other products from the Amazon rainforest, such as copa\u00edba oil-resin or andiroba seeds, Portugal\u2019s interest in the spice was not based on millennia of Indigenous knowledge, since the Indigenous peoples of Brazil were not in the habit of using this aromatic bark. The Indigenous people, however, were essential to its exploitation.<\/p>\n

The Portuguese were able to obtain Amazonian spices because they used Indigenous knowledge of the navigation routes and how to build boats to navigate the Amazonian river network. Their canoes could reach up to 20 meters in length. \u201cMastery of the rivers was fundamental. All the Indigenous technology for river navigation was adopted by the Portuguese and adapted with the use of European tools,\u201d says Chambouleyron.<\/p>\n

Indigenous labor was used to exploit the forest, starting with rowers who guided the canoes through the region\u2019s intricate river network. Each canoe could have between 20 and 50 Indigenous people recruited for this task, usually paid in 1.10-meter lengths of cloth. According to Loureiro, the Indigenous villagers were forced to work under the supervision of the missionaries. And to keep them from running off into the forest in the middle of the expedition, they were motivated with gifts\u2014such as brandy, salt, axes, and hooks, for example\u2014in addition to the agreed-upon salary.<\/p>\n

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Ign\u00e1cio Baptista de Moura\u2009\/\u2009Centro Cultural e Tur\u00edstico Tancredo Neves\u2009\/\u2009Wikimedia Commons<\/span>Chestnut trees in Marab\u00e1 (1927): exploitation of spices continued into the twentieth centuryIgn\u00e1cio Baptista de Moura\u2009\/\u2009Centro Cultural e Tur\u00edstico Tancredo Neves\u2009\/\u2009Wikimedia Commons<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n

According to an article by the UNICAMP historian published in 2019 in the journal Estudos Avan\u00e7ados<\/em>, women and children (boys and girls up to the age of 14) made up 84% of the enslaved population. Women and children were responsible for the agricultural activities, which were essential for feeding and paying laborers, as well as for acquiring more captives. Although laws were passed in the seventeenth century prohibiting the enslavement of Indigenous peoples, there were still legal ways to obtain Indigenous slaves. One of these was ransom, or the purchase of Indigenous peoples captured in interethnic conflicts. Saved from having to sacrifice themselves, they owed their lives to those who rescued them.<\/p>\n

After centuries of exploitation, clove wood is among the species most seriously threatened with extinction. According to Ferreira, a 2012 study found only two populations of the species in Par\u00e1, in the municipalities of Vit\u00f3ria do Xingu and Juruti. Later, clove wood was also recorded in the municipalities of Moju and Senador Jos\u00e9 Porf\u00edrio.<\/p>\n

Other Amazonian species continue to be exploited to this day. \u201cThe trade volume of \u2018drugs of the Sert\u00e3o\u2019 has always been small compared to commodities like sugar, for example, but it has continued over time,\u201d explains Loureiro. Medicinal plants have also continued to play an important role in the Amazon region, especially in folk medicine, and several are currently the subject of scientific research.<\/p>\n

\u201cMany therapeutic properties have been proven and others are being discovered in the light of current scientific research methods,\u201d says Ferreira. Studies on precious bark (Aniba canelilla<\/em>) are a good example of this. \u201cPreclinical studies have shown that the oil extracted from the bark has relaxing effects on intestinal smooth muscle, justifying use of the plant for gastrointestinal disorders, as well as cardiovascular effects.\u201d<\/p>\n

According to Santos, the exploitation of Amazonian spices during the colonial period, although mostly predatory, had the merit of recognizing the region\u2019s economic potential, which has often been forgotten throughout history. Even today, he believes, investment in the region\u2019s sustainable development to promote and organize this activity is lacking: \u201cWith investment in technology, we could transform the Amazon without destroying the rainforest.\u201d<\/p>\n

The story above was published with the title “Earth\u2019s currency<\/strong>” in issue 344 of October\/2024.<\/p>\n

Projects<\/strong>
\n1.<\/strong> Between a deep past and an imminent future: Human activity and environmental impact of modern colonialism in the Amazon (sixteenth to eighteenth centuries) (n\u00b0 22\/02896-0<\/a>); Grant Mechanism <\/strong>Research Grant \u2013 Initial Project; Principal Investigator<\/strong> Camila Loureiro Dias (UNICAMP); Investment<\/strong> R$763,123.36.
\n2.<\/strong> Indigenous knowledge of plants in colonial Amazonia (seventeenth and eighteenth centuries) (n\u00b0 24\/01523-1<\/a>); Grant Mechanism<\/strong> Doctoral Fellowship in Brazil; Supervisor<\/strong> Camila Loureiro Dias (UNICAMP); Beneficiary<\/strong> Talles Manoel da Silva; Investment<\/strong> R$362,995.20.
\n3.<\/strong> Drugs from the outback: Survey of occurrences of plant species in colonial chronicles and expedition reports (n\u00b0 24\/05635-9<\/a>); Grant Mechanism <\/strong>Undergraduate Project; Supervisory<\/strong> Camila Loureiro Dias (UNICAMP); Beneficiary<\/strong> Sofia Montaner Preto; Investment<\/strong> R$13,594.68.<\/p>\n

Scientific articles<\/strong>
\nCHAMBOULEYRON, R. O \u201ccravo do Maranh\u00e3o\u201d e a Amaz\u00f4nia global (s\u00e9culos XVII-XVIII)<\/a>. Revista de \u00cdndias<\/strong>. Vol. 82, no. 285. 2022.
\n<\/strong>DIAS, C. L. Os \u00edndios, a Amaz\u00f4nia e os conceitos de escravid\u00e3o e liberdade<\/a>. Estudos Avan\u00e7ados<\/strong>. Vol. 33, no. 97. 2019.
\n<\/strong>DONINI, C. V. et al<\/em>. Flores e cascas: Explora\u00e7\u00e3o de cravo, Dicypellium caryophyllaceum <\/em>e Syzygium aromaticum<\/em>, no s\u00e9culo XVIII<\/a>. VIII Congresso Internacional de Hist\u00f3ria. Maring\u00e1, Universidade Estadual de Maring\u00e1, 2017 (Simp\u00f3sio Hist\u00f3ria, Ci\u00eancias e Ambiente).
\n<\/strong>MEDEIROS, M. F. T. et al<\/em>. Hist\u00f3rico e o uso da \u201csalsa parrilha\u201d (Smilax<\/em> spp.) pelos botic\u00e1rios no Mosteiro de S\u00e3o Bento<\/a>. Revista Brasileira de Bioci\u00eancias<\/strong>. Vol. 5, no. S1. July 2007.<\/p>\n

Books
\n<\/strong>MEIRA, M. (org.). Livro das canoas<\/strong><\/a>: Documentos para a hist\u00f3ria ind\u00edgena da Amaz\u00f4nia<\/strong>. S\u00e3o Paulo: NHII-USP. 1994.
\n<\/strong>CHAMBOULEYRON, R. (org.). As drogas do sert\u00e3o e a Amaz\u00f4nia colonial portuguesa<\/strong><\/a>. Lisboa: Centro de Hist\u00f3ria da Universidade de Lisboa, 2023. Available at: Reposit\u00f3rio da Universidade de Lisboa:
\n<\/strong>DANIEL, J. Tesouro descoberto no m\u00e1ximo rio Amazonas (1722\u20131776).<\/strong> Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto, 2004.
\n<\/strong>FERREIRA, A. R. Viagem filos\u00f3fica pelas capitanias do Gr\u00e3o Par\u00e1, Rio Negro, Mato Grosso e Cuiab\u00e1 1783\u20131792<\/strong><\/a>. Rio de Janeiro: Conselho Federal de Cultura, 1971.
\n<\/strong>LA CONAMINE, C.-M. de Viagem na Am\u00e9rica Meridional descendo o rio das Amazonas<\/strong><\/a>. Bras\u00edlia: Senado Federal, 2000 (Cole\u00e7\u00e3o O Brasil visto por<\/em> estrangeiros<\/em>).<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Leaves, fruit, bark, roots, oils, and resin from the forest boosted the economy and brought wealth to the region during the colonial period","protected":false},"author":131,"featured_media":547389,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[152],"tags":[206,213,225,241],"coauthors":[440],"class_list":["post-547384","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-retrospect","tag-biodiversity","tag-botany","tag-economy","tag-history"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/547384","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/131"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=547384"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/547384\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":547413,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/547384\/revisions\/547413"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/547389"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=547384"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=547384"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=547384"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistapesquisa.fapesp.br\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=547384"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}